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论文编号:
lw200707250743135170 |
论文属性:
Notes |
论文语言:English |
论文国家:China |
登出日期: 2007-07-25 |
字数: 4000 |
源程序:
无 |
价格:
免费论文 |
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论文大纲,目录 |
关键词搜索:Government Public Policy Political Communication Politics and Communication |
om a number of world leaders in support of a U.N.- backed ban on landmines. Canada’s involvement was key; indeed, the treaty is sometimes called the “Ottawa convention” because it was there in December 1997 that 122 countries convened to sign the treaty. c. the fungibility of soft power The current strength of soft power is in part supported by the contemporary weakness of military power. In the colonial era, before CNN, the United Nations, and the political and cultural independence of developing world nations intervened, military power was used by major European nations with relative impunity. States were all-powerful; alternative forms th st and early 21 centuries have of political organization were quite weak. But the late 20 brought about a climate where military power is used less often, and borrowing a term of Nye’s, is less “fungible.” (“Fungible” in its dictionary sense means convertible, interchangeable, capable of being transferred from one state or condition to another.) Military power is now less fungible because it is less certain to gain a given state the th objectives it used to provide the Great Powers of 19 century Europe. It doesn’t easily translate any more into political or economic power, but carries many more potential risks. An example here is the emergent role of global terrorism. Allowing for the fact that many critics have identified that the threat of terrorism is overstated, and that this overstatement
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may work to the benefit of states wanting to justify the growth of defense budgets, enforce greater surveillance and security measures, or discipline their publics, terrorism exists outside the normal boundaries of the state system. While hardly practitioners of soft power, terrorist organizations like Al Qaeda or Spain’s Basque separatist ETA are difficult for states to engage using military power or the force of law because they often assume transnational form, making the most of the possibilities of organizational networks to remain resilient, flexible, and resourceful. Conventional military power against terrorist organizations is an uncertain endeavour, as witness the uneven success of the U.S. in its war with Iraqi insurgents. The relevance of the soft power thesis to a course in political communication is improved with Nye’s argument that the soft power climate is one where information, not capital (i.e., money, wealth), is the basis of the new global order. Nye writes: “Power is passing from the ‘capital-rich’ to the ‘information-rich.’” (75). It’s not enough for states or non-state actors, whether NGOs or terrorist organizations, to have information: they must be able to act on it quickly. Information is power when a given actor is the first to have it and employ it to tilt circumstances in their favour. Soft power is also enhanced when a given actor can attract others to their culture, ideological agenda, or goals. Less costly
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