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从二零零年开始中国开始成为非洲最大的贸易伙伴，一个象征性的转变重点就是一个世纪之后殖民地居民的经济关系临时性确定。另一个方面中国也是南非国家最大的出口贸易目的地，也是撒哈拉以南非洲的最大经济国，对于安哥拉、贝宁、刚果民主共和国、毛里塔尼亚、苏丹和赞比亚也同样如此。中非的贸易关系在不断的向前推进，这是经济转变在九十年代中期达到增长的最高峰。我们所用的引力模式分析是关于中国进口非洲商品研究以及潜在的贸易产生积极在非洲发展的机会。

在一九九六年六个非洲国家访问了国家主席江泽民，从而扆变中国与非洲的关系的焦点，方向定位从政治转向经济学(奥尔登,2007:15)。这种转变是出于中国和非洲的经济变化。1991年,中国成为石油进口国,国内经济的快速增长促使中国需要寻找安全可靠的能源和其他原材料的供应基地。非洲被视为一个仍未开发的潜在来源地并且该国国内经济和政治变革也在转变之中。南非种族隔离结束在1994年,虽然大多数SSA的经济体1995年之后开始表现得更好(Arbache,页2007)。

Introduction

In 2009 China became Africa’s largest trade partner, a symbolic turning point in extra -regional economic relations after centuries of colonial-centric ties. Bilaterally, China is now the largest export destination of South Africa, sub-Saharan Africa’s (SSA) largest economy, and also of Angola, Benin, Congo (Democratic Republic), Mauritania, Sudan and Zambia, among others (IMF, 2010). This growing China-Africa trade relationship is the culmination of changes that gained momentum in the mid-1990s. Our gravity model analysis of China’s import of African goods explores the potential for trade to generate positive development opportunities for Africa.

The visit of then Chinese President Jiang Zemin to six African nations in 1996 marked the shift in focus of China’s relationship with Africa away from politics towards economics (Alden, 2007: 15). This shift was motivated by changes in both China and Africa. In 1991, China became a net oil importer and rapid domestic growth prompted China to look for secure reliable supplies of energy and other raw materials. Africa was seen as a potential source of still undeveloped resources, and domestic economic and political change was also afoot. Apartheid came to an end in South Africa in 1994, while the economies of most of SSA began to perform better after 1995 (Arbache and Page, 2007a). In the preceding 20 years, nearly all countries south of the Sahara saw zero or negative economic growth per capita (Radelet, 2010: 1).

Absolute trade volumes have risen more than 100-fold since 1990 (Brautigam, 2010: 1), with a 10-fold increase since 2000. The importance of trade, however, differs markedly for China and African economies. China’s share in Africa’s trade is now higher than for any region other than the share of China in Developing Asia’s total trade (Arora and Vamvakidis, 2010), with China also being the region’s largest trade partner. China’s trade with SSA, however, remains less than trade with Japan alone: 3.4 per cent of exports of US$1.203trn and 4.3 per cent of imports of US$1.00trn in 2009 (IMF, 2011).

These increases in trade volume and more market-driven ties between China and Africa are helping to correct undervaluation of Africa by investors (Wang, 2007). They are also helping to generate some of the world’s fastest growth rates (The Economist, 2011). At the political level, these relations are fostered through ministerial-level discussions with African counterparts at the China-instigated Forum on China and Africa Cooperation (FOCAC). The first meeting was held in late 2000 with the aim of providing a platform to advance economic ties.

Yet, the growth of China-Africa trade is not without controversy. The composition of trade flows has raised a number of concerns, including the fact that the exchange of Afric本论文由英语论文网提供整理，提供论文代写，英语论文代写，代写论文，代写英语论文，代写留学生论文，代写英文论文，留学生论文代写相关核心关键词搜索。