回归迁移与归属的文化政治Return Migration and the Cultural Politics of Belonging [3]
论文作者:Sin Yih Teo论文属性:硕士毕业论文 thesis登出时间:2016-05-03编辑:anne点击率:18857
论文字数:7359论文编号:org201605021411271124语种:英语 English地区:加拿大价格:免费论文
关键词:文化政治技术移民返回迁移
摘要:以返回迁移,提出了整合和跨国之间的紧张关系,灵活性和根植性,与公民民族主义。
动变化的意义
State Constructions of the ‘New Migrant’ Departing from its policies on Chinese overseas prior to 1978, the PRC state is now actively reaching out and incorporating Chinese overseas. The first major political change emerged in the late 1970s when Chinese citizens abroad were recognised as a patriotic force to the PRC (Thun. 2001). To win Chinese migrants’ faith in the PRC, relatives of migrants living in China and returned migrants became politically rehabilitated, and were by law granted special social, economic and political privileges. By the mid-1980s, however, it was clear to the state that donations and remittances from Chinese overseas were no longer adequate avenues in pursuing foreign revenues and economic development. Globalisation and the surge of emigrants from China further meant that a new policy direction was needed. The state thus adopted a new
strategy, changing its policies to focus on ethnic Chinese and especially ‘new migrants’ (xin yimin) who left China after 1978.2 Most recently, the PRC state has targeted ‘new migrants’, specifically overseas students, scholars and other skilled labour, as potential returnees. Since 1990, various state efforts have been put in place*including the establishment of a number of ‘science parks’ and ‘special development zones’ in Beijing and most provincial cities to attract this ‘overseas talent’ (Luo et al. 2002), and through the organising of large conventions in major cities in China aimed at recruiting overseas Chinese professionals (Xiang, this issue). At the same time, the Chinese state has promoted its incentive programmes*through recruitment fairs*to PRC migrants in countries such as the United States, Canada, Europe and Australia (Ming Pao 2002). From these developments, it appears that PRC migrants are now enjoying a new state-sanctioned flexibility, a status which is tied inextricably with their perceived role as homo economicus (Ley 2003; Ong 1999). Aihwa Ong (1999) has powerfully depicted the way
808 S.Y. Teo Hong Kong migrants respond fluidly to changing political-economic conditions, terming their practice ‘flexible citizenship’. Are PRC migrants acting in a similar fashion? Before continuing this line of inquiry, I examine how the media, too, play a role in constructing migrants as ‘flexible citizens’. Media and the Resurgence of Nationalism The story of mass migrations (voluntary and forced) is hardly a new feature of human
history. But when it is juxtaposed with the rapid flow of mass-mediated images, scripts, and sensations, we have a new order of instability in the production of modern subjectivities (Appadurai 1996: 4). For Appadurai (1996), the creation of diasporic public spheres implies that the state can no longer be regarded as the key arbiter of important social changes. In the context of China I argue that, while the Chinese in the diaspora have the agency to negotiate their own subjectivities, the very existence of these diasporic public spheres is made possible, to quote Sun (2002: 208), ‘not in spite of, but precisely because of, the power of the Chinese state and the strength of a collective memory of the Chinese nation’. For instance, the Chinese Central Television (CCTC) now has satellite transmission in many parts of North America, Europe and Oceania (Sun 2002). Electronic versions of Chinese newspapers too are accessible via the Internet to overseas readers. The availability of these resources has faci
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