回归迁移与归属的文化政治Return Migration and the Cultural Politics of Belonging [7]
论文作者:Sin Yih Teo论文属性:硕士毕业论文 thesis登出时间:2016-05-03编辑:anne点击率:18858
论文字数:7359论文编号:org201605021411271124语种:英语 English地区:加拿大价格:免费论文
关键词:文化政治技术移民返回迁移
摘要:以返回迁移,提出了整合和跨国之间的紧张关系,灵活性和根植性,与公民民族主义。
he shenfen (status), then they have both educational qualifications and work experience. They will certainly bring Western thinking and the Western way of solving problems to China. I think this is beneficial to China. While Orina presented a state-sanctioned picture of new migrants as patriots (and an internalised form of Orientalism and Occidentalism), many migrants, such as Ruhao, told me that, with regard to immigration, ‘The state doesn’t encourage or disapprove. It doesn’t interfere’. This contradicts Ny.′ri’s (2001): 639) assertion*based on examining public narratives, and hence raising the issue of reception*that ‘migrants go abroad with the sense that their project is in line with the values of the dominant discourse of Chineseness’. My research also concurs with Xiang’s (this issue) finding that ‘only a very limited number of overseas Chinese professionals, including those who have been considering returning to China on a permanent basis, have detailed knowledge about the policies’. On the whole, respondents’ consideration of return migration stemmed from a confluence of their settlement difficulties in Canada and their perception of better career opportunities in China. While the thought of return might have crossed the respondents’ minds, they were quick to point out their mitigating concerns, of which the foremost was their children’s welfare. Huiling, a mother of two, revealed: From my understanding, there are many who wish to return, at least in their hearts. Some people have indeed returned. Others are here physically although their hearts are still not stable. They think of going back to China but because of their children, family and other reasons, they may not necessarily be able to leave. [...] Now my daughter is in grade 7. She likes the life here very much. She said, ‘Mama, even if you are going back, I’m not going with you’. Boyang, a father of two, was more explicit: I will definitely stay here. The children cannot possibly go back [laughed]. We had intended to let the children stay there for three months for the summer, but after staying for one month, both the children fell ill, and I brought them home. They also said that they don’t ever want to go back so we have no choice. I have even filled in ‘permanent’ on your survey form. Often, respondents were concerned that their children, after being in the Canadian education system*which was perceived to be less rigorous at the elementary level* would be unable to ‘catch up’ with their peers in China. Moreover, there was a difference in the primary language of instruction. Some respondents also wished their children to receive a Canadian university education ultimately, a goal that was more cost-effective if achieved through immigration rather than sending them as international students later. Another important reason was that, having devoted much time, money, and emotional commitment to the immigration process, many respondents were reluctant to abandon their original intentions without a hard fight.
Journal of Ethic and Migration Studies 813 Caught between leaving and staying, the pathos of their situation is a sobering reminder that, despite the celebratory tones attached to the ‘age of migration’ (Castles and Miller 1993), migration is after all, a human flow, filled with all the complexities of choice and decision-making, sacrifice and commitment, thoughts and emotions. Zhehui confided: Before I immigrated, I had to quit my job. I had to cancel a
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