工程规划管理方案的研究 [5]
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论文字数:2497论文编号:org201603302157096915语种:英语 English地区:台湾价格:免费论文
关键词:Project Planning ManagementLocal Development灵丹妙药可持续性
摘要:参与的方法、过程、形式和结果进行争议,并且没有达成一致的意见。库克和科塔里(2001)称其为新的暴政,然而斯特拉特(1996)将其称为“新正统”。
ent from above strategies, and depriving participation its political edge.
In such a case community participation is merely tokenist, and although it is above non-participation, it conforms to agency by invitation only. Although it allows the have-nots to hear and to have a voice, they lack the power to ensure that their views will be heeded by the powerful (Arnstein, 1969: 217, Cleaver, 2001). However, agency by invitation alone may be an exception rather than the rule: such a position rigidly poses the risk of devaluing the role of devolution and decentralisation as vehicles of grassroots empowerment, and delegation of both responsibility and authority to populations at these levels in management of their own development.
In addition, the use of the concept community is a focus of criticism, due to its assumption of community as a coherent, homogenous group with shared interests and definite boundaries. Guimarez (2007) and Cleaver (2001) take issue with this simplistic assumption, and argue that communities as such have boundaries that transcend this bounded definition, and represent wider reciprocity patterns than perceived by participation proponents, besides internal disparities such as class, power and gender. Cleaver's ( 2004) contention on the 'recursive nature of agency and structure' adeptly captures the varied dynamics inherent in the so-called community, and dispels assumptions of homogeneity, by underscoring the limitations imposed on individual agency in navigating the life courses, and influencing social change. Despite its persuasiveness, this argumentation fails to consider the express roles individuals and collectives - as agencies- play in initiating and sustaining change, as in the example of the Zapatistas, and opportunities created by new agitations for citizen representation by excluded groups through local and transnational movements.
Conclusions
Following from this argument, it becomes clearly evident that the advantages of participation as a mobilisation, planning, implementation and, lately, of monitoring and evaluation tool far outweigh its disadvantages. Some of the criticisms seem to unfairly ignore the fact that participatory methodologies are founded on the premises of dynamism and innovation, and not rigidity. Evidence of resilience of participation on this account lies in the route from RRA, to PPA to PRA and currently to PLA, with many variants of the 'orthodoxies' in between. Each transition espouses innovation, creativity and room for continuous improvement (Chambers, 1992, 2004). Indeed the eventuality of such a route for participation, and its increased utility as a tool for citizen rights bargaining and involvement in governance in the late 1990s and into the new millennium, is a demonstration of not only dynamism, flexibility and adaptability of participatory approaches to development and poverty alleviation, but also to their theoretical and epistemological acceptability by an expanded constituency of 'consumers'.
Moreover, Gaventa (2004) argues, as does Hickey and Mohan (2004) in affirming the potential inherent in participation, that 'regardless of the methods or strategies used, participatory approaches are more likely to have the greatest potential for influence when they can be strengthened by claims to participation as a legal right. The right to participation is potentially a more empowered form of engagement than participation by invitation of governmen
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