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onal missions. Even within research universities like the UW-Madison, such a system will tend to favor departments that inherently attract outside funding such as engineering, business, and hard sciences, at the expense of humanities and such vital basics as English and mathematics.

 

The typical state system subsidizes a modest number of primarily middle-class students at the expense of the general taxpayer. One broad approach worthy of more detailed consideration would be to increase tuition significantly, while offering more scholarships, based both on need and ability. Concomitant with its reduced role in funding universities, state governments should increase the administrative autonomy of the systems.

 

Appropriate provision of infrastructure is another key function of government with a high potential for return. Many debates are about exactly how this infrastructure should be provided. Deregulation of electric utilities, for example, is creating some controversies (although we have many lessons on how not to deregulate utilities from California). In terms of transport infrastructure, a debate rages on the relative virtues of roads versus rail, both inter- and intra-city. Airport siting, landing slots and fees, and the anti-trust implications of airline industry consolidation are also hot infrastructure issues that have important implications for economic development. Metropolitan areas that have greater airport capacity, relative to their population, grow faster than average. Another way governments try to encourage economic development is through the creation of infrastructure-rich industrial parks, high-tech incubators, and the like. Related activities include subsidized financing and other public policies meant to encourage high-tech spin-offs, or joint marketing an area and its products.

 

Another key lesson of economic development research is that general taxes matter, but one must examine the full tax-service package. Taxes should not be analyzed in isolation, however. Given a choice, many of us would choose Wisconsin's high-tax-high-service package over, say, Louisiana's low-tax-low-service package.

 

Studies that examine economic growth as a function of taxes and other determinants, but that omit public service measures, tend to find weak relationships between taxes and growth. Correctly specified studies that control for public services provided as well as taxes find stronger relationships. A 1991 review by Timothy Bartik of a large number of studies determined that, if we control at least roughly for service provision, for every 10 percent decline in tax burden, measures of economic output (e.g., employment, investment or new firms) would increase by somewhere between 1 percent and 6 percent. These results tell us that firms and economic output respond to tax environments, although the size of the effect does seem to vary quite a bit from study to study. The differential effect of tax environments is somewhat blunted by the fact that state tax systems are growing more alike over time.

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