回归迁移与归属的文化政治Return Migration and the Cultural Politics of Belonging [4]
论文作者:Sin Yih Teo论文属性:硕士毕业论文 thesis登出时间:2016-05-03编辑:anne点击率:18860
论文字数:7359论文编号:org201605021411271124语种:英语 English地区:加拿大价格:免费论文
关键词:文化政治技术移民返回迁移
摘要:以返回迁移,提出了整合和跨国之间的紧张关系,灵活性和根植性,与公民民族主义。
litated the formation of new ‘imagined communities’ (Anderson 1991) amongst diasporic Chinese. The breadth of their reach is suggested by how nearly every Chinese person to whom Ny.′ri (2001) spoke in Hungary regularly watches CCTV and Chinese Channel, the first Chinese satellite station broadcasting specifically for Europe. With respect to ‘new migrants’, features on the ‘success stories’ of Chinese overseas are part of the popular media discourse about the rise of China. In the widely popular television drama series A Beijing Native in New York, there is a poignant scene where a group of PRC migrants rise spontaneously at a party to sing: ‘Beijing, you are the heart of my motherland and symbol of our nation’. Here, the revolutionary flavour of the song is deliberately ignored and, in an ahistorical time, it articulates a specific kind of yearning borne out of displacement*a function irrelevant to the original text (Sun 2002). In another version, the 2002 Olympic Games in Sydney provided an opportunity for Chinese television to generously transmit images of patriotic Chinese overseas, which portrayed the centrifugal power of the PRC (Sun 2002). Most strikingly, many Chinese spectators in the Homebush Stadium of the Olympic Games wore T-shirts bearing the logo of the Wuliangye product, a hard liquor.3 In exchange for wearing these shirts, the Australian Chinese received free tickets to the stands, cheered for the Chinese athletes, and became signifiers of diasporic Chinese patriotism. From these accounts of the state and the media, it seems that emphasis is placed not so much on the formal citizenship of these ‘new migrants’ as on their cultural identity, one which is able to traverse borders flexibly.
Rooted Realities: The Everyday Lives of PRC 扎根现实:中华人民共和国的日常生活
Immigrants We live between two cultures. We are building a new identity*a hybrid (Gu Xiong, quoted in Zacharias 2003). Profile and Methodology Since 1998, China has been the top source country of skilled immigrants to Canada. The growth of PRC immigrants has been phenomenal, increasing from 13,309 in 1995*the year when complete immigration processing to Canada started in China* to 40,365 in 2001, essentially more than tripling in six years (CIC 2004). Likewise, PRC immigrants have ranked first in Vancouver since 1998 (CIC 1999, 2002). Recent PRC skilled immigrants tend to be relatively young, with a modal range of 25 to 39 years of age; in 2000, 1,528 arrivals were 25 29 years old, 2,220 were 30 34 years old and 1,547 were 35 39 years old, representing 70.6 per cent of the total PRC skilled immigrants in that year.4 Their children are mainly younger than 14 years old, with 457 under four years old in 2000, 635 between five and nine, and 378 between 10 and 14, collectively making up another 19.6 per cent. There are twice as many married skilled immigrants as singles. The native language of PRC skilled immigrants is commonly Mandarin. One third indicated that they had English-language ability, while only a minority were bilingual or spoke French.5 The percentage of skilled immigrants with no ‘Canadian language ability’ has climbed steadily from 32 per cent in 1996 to 47 per cent in 1999, and 66 per cent in 2000, a statistic which intimates possible language integration difficulties. Since one of the main criteria for skilled immigration is the educational qualification of the principal applicant, it is unsurprising that skille
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