Introduction介绍
美国推出了一系列的反毒品行动在世界上,特别是在拉丁美洲。军队,当地警方,最后整个法律体系需要根据美国的标准来进行操作。这种策略常常被作为毒品的战争,已经打了超过50年(圣克鲁斯,2012)。然而,尽管不断增加的资源,如对警察和军事人员和资金,非法药物供应仍然跟上全球需求的上升。例如,在过去几年以来,哥伦比亚计划已经启动,超过36十亿美元被美国政府(佩利,2012)花费在执法和毒品行动。不过,根据政府问责局在2008年提供的统计数据,可卡因贩运到美国从拉丁美洲金额2000年和2006年期间增加,哥伦比亚仍是可卡因,海洛因和大麻的最大毒贩之一世界(GAO,2008)。此外,由于猛烈的政策执行,质量受害者发生,如流离失所当地社区。此外,腐败和洗钱仍在反毒品行动的存在。
所有的证据显示,毒品的战争是一种致命的失败,虽然没有可测量的指标,输入被减少。因此,本文将在发现毒品战争真正的受益者。虽然有受益人的范围,例如,监狱行业,因为越来越多的人已身陷囹圄,建设和运行的监狱已经成为大企业;美国政府,因为政府需要用'威胁'来证明它的军事干预,外国情报行动和宽松的市场战略;和媒体,毒品战争已被证明有利可图的印刷和广播行业很长一段时间。战争对药物的私有化,并在反毒品行动的经济发展:虽然本文将通过两个方面透露其他受益人的。首先,私人保安企业(物业服务公司)受益于拉美的毒品战争利润和保密性进行讨论。然后,跨国公司(跨国公司)的来自发达国家谁在军事化的举措得到很大的优势和作用进行说明。最后,新自由主义的战争下扩大对毒品进行评估,从那里无论美国政府和拉美国家受益。
The end of the Cold War was a milestone in international relations, which presented that the international system has seen the emergence of the various concerns and issues called the ‘new security agendas’, drug issue is one of them. Therefore, the US launched a series of counter-drug initiatives in the world, especially in the Latin America. The army, local police, and finally the entire legal system need to be operated based on US standards. This
strategy is often identified as the war on drugs, which has been fought for over 50 years (Santacruz, 2012). Yet despite the ever increasing resources such as personnel and money on police and military, supply of illegal drugs still kept pace with rising global demand. For example, over the past few years since the Plan Colombia has been launched, more than 3.6 billion dollars has been spent on law enforcement and narcotics initiatives by the US government (Paley, 2012). However, according to the
statistics provided by the Government Accountability Office in 2008, the amount of cocaine trafficked to the US from Latin America has increased during 2000 and 2006, and Colombia is still one of the largest traffickers of cocaine, heroin and marijuana in the world (GAO, 2008). Moreover, due to the violent implementation of policies, mass victims occurred, such as displaced local communities. Additionally, corruptions and money laundering still existed under the counter-drug initiatives.
All the evidences show that the war on drugs is a deadly failure, while there is no measurable indicator that the input is decreasing. This
essay will therefore discover the real beneficiaries in the war on drugs. Although there are a range of beneficiaries, for instance, the prison industry, since more people have been put behind bars, building and running prisons has become big business; the US government, since the government need to use ‘threats’ to justify its military intervention, foreign intelligence operations and liberal market strategies; and the press, drug wars have been proved profitable for a long time in both printing and broadcasting industry. While this
essay will reveal other beneficiaries through two aspects: the privatization of war on drugs and the economic development during counter-drug initiatives. Firstly, the Private Security Corporations (PSCs) benefit both profit and confidentiality in the drug wars in Latin America will be discussed. Then the role of Transnational Corporations (TNCs) from developed countries who receive great advantages during the militarized initiatives will be described. Finally, the expansion of neoliberalism under war on drugs will be evaluated, from where both US government and Latin American
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