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tric is tricky. Here we propose doing so through the notion of 'temporal autonomy': the freedom to spend one's time as one pleases, outside the necessities of everyday life. Using surveys from five countries (the United States, Australia, Germany, France, and Sweden) that represent the principal types of welfare and gender regimes, we propose ways of operationalizing the time that is strictly necessary for people to spend in paid labor, unpaid household labor, and personal care. The time people have at their disposal after taking into account what is strictly necessary in these three arenas --- which we call 'discretionary time' --- represents people's temporal autonomy. We measure the impact on this of government taxes, transfers, and childcare subsidies in these five countries. In so doing, we calibrate the contributions of the different welfare and gender regimes that exist in these countries, in ways that correspond to the lived reality of people's daily lives.rice, goodin, parpo

自由决定——Discretionary

People's welfare is a function of both time and money. People can -- and, it is said, increasingly do -- suffer time-poverty as well as money-poverty. It is undeniably true that people feel increasingly time pressured, particularly in dual-earner households. But much of the time devoted to paid and unpaid tasks is over and above that which is strictly necessary. In that sense, much of the time pressure that people feel is discretionary and of their own making. Using data from the 1992 Australian Time Use Survey, this paper demonstrates that the magnitude of this `time-pressure illusion' varies across population groups, being least among lone parents and greatest among the childless and two-earner couples.goodin, rice, bittman, sanders

Time pressure is a familiar phenomenon. The quantity of spare time people have clearly effects their satisfaction with their leisure and with their life as a whole. But so too, we show, does how much control people have over how much spare time they have. We measure this through an indicator of 'discretionary time', which proves to be equally or more important than spare time itself in these connections. Lina Eriksson, James Mahmud Rice, and Robert E Goodin, 'Temporal Aspects Of Life Satisfaction', Social Indicators Research, in press.

Nazio and McIness study the satisfaction with the amount of leisure time as an indicator of time stress and determine the influence of childbering into the stress of their parents. Usign the data contained in the ECHP for all waves and 11 countriesnazio&macinnes.

They also indicate that Our second substantive finding, that job satisfaction is a very substantial prophylactic against time stress is also, at first sight, surprising, but is nevertheless corroborated by evidence of quite a different kind for the UK (MacInnes 2005 MacInnes, John. 2005 `Work Life Balance and the Demand for Reduction in Working Hours: Evidence from the British Social Attitudes Survey 2002.' British Journal of Industrial Relations, 42(3):273 -- 295.). Both men and women who say they are very satisfied with their jobs, or with their `main activity' if they are not employed, rarely suffer time stress even if they work long hours or have young children. This finding demonstrates vividly the essentially social nature not only of time perception, but the social construction of work