themedia; the growing commodification of media forms; and the changing natureof government intervention in media industries. Third, critical political economistsare concerned with the changing balance between the commercial
media industries and the government sector - including public service broadcasters- over time. The question raised here, which will beexplored in moredetail in later chapters, is whether there has been a symbiotic relationshipbetween media globalization and the moves since the 1980s, classified underthe general tag-line of neo-liberalism, to reduce government regulation and toSupplied by The British Library - "The world's knowledge"
32 Understanding Global Media
privatize state-owned enterprises in strategic sectors such as telecommunications
and broadcasting. Finally, critical political economists have placed a
strong emphasis upon the notion of praxis, or a relationship between
academic research and practice and the wider contexts in which it seeks influence,
that is founded in ethical norms. Golding and Murdock identify 'a
communications system as a public space that is open, diverse and accessible
... [as] a basic yardstick against which critical political economy measures the
performance of existing systems and formulates alternatives' (Golding and
iMurdock, 2000, p. 77). The need to develop and present research findings in
ways that reflect a wider dialogue with activists and community interests is
also indicative of 'a broad conception of professional activity that envisions a
wider public than scholars tend to accept' (Mosco, 1996, p. 9).
A fifth element can be added, which is that critical political economy must
be global, as the insistence upon a global perspective has been central to the
development of critical political economy. The exemplar of such an analysis
of global media from the peispective of critical political economy was US
scholar Herbert Schiller. Schiller argued in his first book, Mass
Cottrttrri~ricatiorrsa rrd Anrcrican Eiupire (Schiller, 1969), that the international
movement towards the commercialization of broadcasting was driven by the
rise of the US e~rtertairrn~enct,o ~~i~~r ior i c aat ilrod~ i~s rfor~~iatio(ElzC I) indrrstries,
and that the ascendancy of the ECI industries in the US economy had
reached a point where 'nothing less than the viability of the American industrial
economy is involved in the movement toward international commercialization
of broadcasting' (Schiller, 1969, p. 96). In an argument that remained
remarkably constant over a 30-year period, Schiller emphasized three propositions.
First, the growth, concentration of ownership and geographical spread
of US media and cultural industries, or the ECI sector - as it clearly also
included the telecommunications and information technology industries -
needed to be viewed alongside broader strategies of United States political,
military, economic and foreign policy. Second, the influence of the ECIs is
never simply political or economic; these sectors differ from other branches of
commercial enterprise through their 'direct, though immeasurable impact on
human consciousness', as well as their capacjty 'to define and present their
own role to the public' (Schiller, 1996, pp. 115, 125). The result is that what
Schiller terms 'American pop culture product' has been constructed as the
cultural ideal to which peopl
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