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national troops, but they will meet NATO.” The implication is clear: foes will have to reckon with a tripwire force that will trigger a response from the whole alliance. As one senior NATO official puts it: “There is extraordinary muscle memory in this organisation. We can still tool up pretty fast.”

A potential complication is that the hybrid warfare practised by Russia in Ukraine is more ambiguous than a conventional armed attack. General Breedlove says NATO must be ready for the “little green men”—special forces without sovereign insignia who cross borders to create unrest, occupy government buildings, incite locals and give tactical advice to separatists, thus destabilising a country. In an interview published on August 17th he told Germany's Die Welt: “If NATO were to observe the infiltration of its sovereign territory by [anonymous] foreign forces, and if we were able to prove that this activity were being carried out by a particular aggressor nation, then Article 5 would apply.”

NATO may no longer be scrabbling about looking for a role, but Jens Stoltenberg, a former Norwegian prime minister who takes over from Mr Rasmussen in October, will still have to grapple with many of the same old problems that afflict the alliance. Mr Rasmussen says that ahead of the summit about half of NATO's members have committed to no further reductions in defence spending, though that is, for many, a far cry from meeting their commitment to spending 2% of GDP. Nor, despite Mr Obama's insistence that he sees Europe's security as indivisible from America's, is there likely to be much change in America's strategic preoccupation with China. Mr Obama affects to see Russia more as a troublesome regional power than as a military and political rival like the Soviet Union of old. Whether NATO will play much of a role in Europe's turbulent Middle Eastern back yard is also doubtful.

But for all its shortcomings, NATO retains an extraordinary ability to reinvent itself in the face of new threats. With enemies like Mr Putin, its continued relevance is not in doubt.

NATO's eastward expansion after the cold war the inevitable outcome of the European strategic pattern transition period, the reason is complicated, the established power hegemony factors, and there was a small country to seek 'umbrella' factors;There is a mix of unbalanced economic development factors and nationalism, religion and other factors.

First of all, the collapse of the Soviet union, the Warsaw pact dissolution is a key reason why NATO enlargement.In July 1991, Warsaw pact dissolved, formed during the cold war, the Yalta system collapse, headed by the Soviet union's Warsaw pact collapsed, the Soviet union itself into a dozen independent countries, Europe and the world big strategic pattern began to differentiation and adjustment.Eastern European countries in a free state, although the former Soviet union countries of the commonwealth of independent states, but in the form of scattered, the mechanism is not complete, weak.After the former Soviet union's largest one of Russia's independence, in order to cater to the west, western economic aid, pursues to the west 'one-sided' of foreign policy, from eastern Europe contraction force, and the distance between the region's cou本论文由英语论文网提供整理，提供论文代写，英语论文代写，代写论文，代写英语论文，代写留学生论文，代写英文论文，留学生论文代写相关核心关键词搜索。