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Pareto (1963) states ‘elites were not based on individual qualities but on functions of organisations over a certain size.’ Decisions in elite groups can only be made by a small number of people, and these, attempt to become self perpetuating. Gibson and Anderson (1985) in there article argue that there are two types of elite ‘Foxes’ which have ‘instincts in combination’ ideas and imagination and ‘Lions’ which have ‘persistence of aggregates’ which provide order and stability. Mosca (1939) stated that in all societies two classes of people emerge, those who rule and those who are ruled.

The first class are always less numerous, perform all political functions, monopolise power and reap all the benefits that power brings. The ruling elite are always those whose natural aptitudes best suit them for leadership which coincides with Gibson and Anderson (1985) descriptions of elites as ‘Foxes’ and ‘Lions’. This begs the question, are elite rule and democracy compatible. Bachrach (1969) believes that the traditional view of the elite- mass relationship has been reversed.

By this it is common man not the elite who is chiefly suspect in endangering democracy. However Sartori (1957) believes that the key to the survival of democracy rests in the hands of the ruling elite, whose power is based upon recognised superiority. Bachrach (1969) believes the modern defence to elitism is “the best interests of a free people of civilisation itself, depends upon the ability of the gifted to command the deference of many for the well being of all”.

However being realists both Mosca and Pareto were exceptions in this regard holding that governing elites ruled primarily in there own interests. All elite theorists are founded on two basic assumptions. Firstly that the masses are inherently incompetent, and secondly, they are at best pliable and inert or at worst, aroused unruly creatures possessing an insatiable proclivity to undermine both culture and liberty. This brings us to the idea of ‘supreme leaders’.

The suggestion of the concept of supreme leaders and the supremacy of leaders in historic situations and ones to come tie in again with the formations of oligarchies and elite rule. The idea behind the ‘supremacy of leaders’ are the powers which leaders wielded both in the past and which they will have in the future.

The powers that leaders held were extremely totalitarian in the past due to the belief that the mass are incapable of ruling however, the level of powers which party leaders wielded slowly decreased as time went on. It was assumed that if parties were truly democratic especially in the case of the UK the Conservative and Labour party, that the leaders of the party in parliament would hold them selves responsible to the ‘members of the party’ i.e. those who belong to the mass organisation, however the historical research made into these two parties show that this is not the case. McKenzie (1955) states;

‘Therefore many observers find themselves driven to cynical or pessimistic conclusions about the nature of intra-party democracy. Some conclude with Robert Michel’s that an “iron law” inevitably prevents members of a nominally democratic political organization from controlling its leaders’.