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e (im)mobility of labour
The Politics of Markets
3. 3. Immigrants, wages and employment conditions
The Wages of Migration
4. Labour market segmentation and occupational segregation
5. The trade union problem
6. Three areas for further research
7. Acknowledgements

Acknowledgements
This article was written during a Leverhulme-funded (Study Abroad) Fellowship at the Department of Sociology, Princeton University. I would like to thank Ed Heery for advice and Pat Carr and Krisztina Csedo for providing detailed comments at incredibly short notice. The usual disclaimer applies.

Notes
1. In producing these estimates, the United Nations (UN) uses the widely accepted
definition of an immigrant as anyone who changes his or her country of usual
residence for a period of more than 12 months.
2. With the possible exception of geography, the subject of migration has generally
been neglected by British social science. One of the few British specialists on the
subject, Robert Miles, claims that this reflects the dominance of the ‘race relations’
perspective, which focuses on the problematic presence of ‘coloured’ peoples, and
the ‘hegemonic assumption that Britain has evolved as a nation state in the absence
of any large-scale, inward migration of people’ (Miles 1990: 283).
3. This paper focuses on labour migrants who, unlike refugees and asylum seekers,
are relatively free to decide whether, and to where, they should migrate. For
purposes of brevity, I do not consider professional or entrepreneurial migrants as
they constitute a small proportion of overall immigration and tend to achieve
considerable economic success over the long term. Portes and Rumbaut (2006:
19–34) provide a useful discussion of the different types of immigrants and their
experiences.
4. Japan is a notable anomaly here because it is a rich country in proximity to several
poor countries and yet immigration is less than 2 per cent (see Castles and Miller
2003: 164–65).
5. Some of the recent rise in domestic service may be attributed to the growth of
dual-career couples who resolve conflicts over the household division of labour by
hiring nannies, cleaners and cooks. As many of these workers are young female
migrants, domestic service provides a particularly striking example of the idea that
immigrants take work that those in more affluent societies leave behind (Anderson
2000: 16–21; Parrenas 2001: 72–76).
6. I neglect the role of language because the argument is fairly intuitive (see
Waldinger and Lichter 2003: 63–80).
 

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