ekly hours. Differential non-response between immi-
grant and native-born workers is a potential issue for the analysis of wages.
However, in our data, the discrepancies are not that large. Eighty-eight per cent
of UK native-born employees gave valid hourly wage data compared to
84 per cent of immigrants. For the (2001) US census, the wage response rates are
91 per cent native-born and 89 per cent immigrants.
12. This may, of course, include children born to British/US citizens living abroad,
although the data are unable to distinguish these individuals. There is no way of
determining how many of the immigrants in the surveys are undocumented.
13. As such, the British primary category includes all qualifications typically obtained
before the age of 18, the secondary category is all those obtained, typically, at 18
and the some college category contains all higher qualifications above this latter
threshold but below degree standard.
14. It is difficult to estimate return rates because GHS does not contain population
weights that would allow the comparison of appropriate cell group numbers over
time. The US census does have population weights, but they appear to be incon-
sistent across time, making inter-temporal comparisons difficult.
15. Table 1 also shows that the share of new entrants in the immigrant stock has risen
alongside the rise in the immigrant share over time in Britain but not in the USA.
In the absence of reporting error, this suggests that there may be falling return
migration rates in the USA or differential responses among ‘undocumented’
immigrants in the USA over time.
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16. The differences without controls are generally larger but display similar trends
over time. Results are available from the authors upon request. Some of the
differences in employment patterns may be attributed to the relatively high share
of British immigrants in continuing education. If we exclude students from the
UK data, the employment gaps fall by around one-third. Unfortunately, we
cannot identify students in the US census data.
17. These are statistically significant effects. The table of results that underlie the
ethnic breakdowns in Figures 1 to 4 are available from the authors upon request.
18. Some of these negative employment effects are again probably caused by higher
enrolment rates of immigrants in further education. The datasets for both coun-
tries are not rich enough to identify the early retired consistently over time.
19. Regression results available from the authors upon request.
20. Another is that the assimilation profile has changed for given characteristics of
immigrants.
21. For example, a rise in the 10-year relative growth rate from 5 to 10 per cent would
not indicate convergence towards native-born levels if the year of arrival effect fell
from –10 to –20 per cent over the same period.
22. The trends by ethnicity (not shown) are similar in the US data and are available
from the authors upon request. There are no significant differences when the
British sample is split by ethnicity.
References
Antecol, H., Cobb-Clark D. and Trejo, S. (2003). ‘Human capital and earnings of
female immigrants to Australia, Canada, and the United States’. In J. Reitz (ed.),
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