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e data is available on the number of evicted tenants, but reasonable estimates are possible. After extensive study of historical data and reports, P.S. Appu estimates that at the time of Independence, at least one-half of India's cultivated land was tenanted. At present, government data from the National Sample Survey shows that 8.3 percent of India's total operated area is tenanted.37 Making allowances for the fact that NSS data do not reflect fully the extent of concealed tenancies, the total estimated amount of tenanted area does not exceed 17 percent.38 Thus, tenants operated at least 50 percent of the operated area at the time of Independence and not more than 17 percent now, meaning that tenant families have been deprived of approximately 33 percent of the operated area. Not all of those tenants who lost access to land did so as a direct result of the tenancy reform legislation. Arguably, however, such legislation, coupled with the laws to abolish intermediaries, was the major cause.


In addition to causing active dispossession of tenants through evictions, tenancy laws have, in some cases, led to passive dispossession because they prevent poor farmers from accessing land through tenancy. How many rural households are denied access to land through tenancy because of the ongoing legal restrictions should be carefully explored through rigorous field research. Less systematic field research has certainly found a multitude if inhibiting impacts.


a€¡é The legislative restrictions and provisions that aim to provide ownership or other premium rights to tenants in reality cause some land holders to lease out less land than they otherwise would, resulting in decreased land access for poor (and other) households who desire to rent-in.


a€¡é When landowners do decide to lease out land, despite restrictive legal provides, they establish informal and concealed tenancies, thereby leaving tenants with no legal protection.


a€¡é Broad restrictions on tenancy may also deny women and other marginalized groups a reasonable means of safeguarding land access. In many cases, male relatives may usurp land owned by women. Where such practices exist, women's land tenure security may be best served through long-term lease arrangements to her male relatives. In addition, groups of women have often found leasing to be a useful tool for accessing land.39


a€¡é In some cases, the restrictions have encouraged the under-utilization of land by landowners who are unwilling or unable to cultivate their land but fear losing their land if they rent it out.


Results were mixed. On one hand, the legislation transformed some 20 to 25 million 'superior' tenants into landowners or 'government tenants' holding land directly under the government, placed large areas of privately owned forests and wasteland under state ownership, and altered the rural power structures. On the other hand, the laws to abolish intermediary interests fell well short of their potential because of the protracted nature of the legislative process, the shortcomings in the legislative content, the complex and time consuming procedures for implementation, and the role of the judiciary in frustrating the intent and implementation of the laws.


Positive Results

The laws to abolish intermediary interests brought an estimated 20 to 25 million erstwhile tenant±¾ÂÛÎÄÓÉÓ¢ÓïÂÛÎÄÍøÌṩÕûÀí£¬ÌṩÂÛÎÄ´úд£¬Ó¢ÓïÂÛÎÄ´úд£¬´úдÂÛÎÄ£¬´úдӢÓïÂÛÎÄ£¬´úдÁôѧÉúÂÛÎÄ£¬´úдӢÎÄÂÛÎÄ£¬ÁôѧÉúÂÛÎÄ´úдÏà¹ØºËÐĹؼü´ÊËÑË÷¡£

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