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urs by letting the lions dancing along with the rhythm and rime of the city as noticed by Worsfold during his visit to Batavia :

In the centre of the town the native streets look, to the European eye, like a perpetual festival. Outside the doors are gathered in groups the various inhabitants-Chinese, Malay, or Sundanese, some clanging cymbals and other strange instruments of music, others seated round fires, eating baked cakes or fruits and other frugal dainties. (35)

and as the unfinished mural painting (painted by Harijadi Sumodidjojo) locked [10] in the separate room (on the right wing of the museum) pictured

Arrival

From the complex sketches above, now I am arriving at some points of arrival. First point: from the journey inside the Jakarta History Museum, there are two points of narrative related to the history of Jakarta; 1) the past perception about the historicity of this city as inscribed in the structure of the building, and 2) the present interpretation of this city as constructed by the selection, arrangement, and division of collections. Both perceptions imply the perceptions of the authority toward social realities of the city; the point of view, in Bourdieu's term, constructed through selection of certain realities, producing realities, and imposing authorized version. Central to both point of views is building perception on the sense of the place which complicates the status of the city as the important port and the people who live in it. The complication is triggered by the conception and perception of local and non-local which at some points put the Chinese ethnic into the 'symbolic struggle' over the place. Chinese ethnic in this city is always situated in conjuncture with the past ideoscape and the present ideoscape. In their 'situatedness', the Chinese are never materialized, as they are always mythicized: whether appear too visible (in the structure of the building/image ) or invisible and mutated into another form (in the narrative of the museum). This context leads me to arrive in my second point of arrival.

Second, connecting the flow of ethnoscape to building perception about the past and the present of the city, two contradictory constructions and significations will emerge. First, if the signification of the city is referred toward a centre to periphery relation, where in the centre is the notion of the indigenous culture referred to Betawi cultural identity and ethnicity, this will result in the marginalization of other cultural forms, which are also inseparable from the landscape of the city. Accommodating and authorizing this constructed scheme of perceptions and practices, as it is implied in the narration of the museum, will ignore the multicultural aspect of this city brought along by the trans-national cultural transaction, which I propose here as the 'distinctiveness' of the city. Second, if the signification of the city is referred to, in Appadurai's term, 'disjunctive relationship' among ethnoscapes and other scapes flowing in the landscape of this city, the distinctiveness of the city may appear; as what binds these seemingly unrelated elements of this city is its context, which is never local.

Thus, this is where I end the journey.

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