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to cope with all these different issues have lead the way for sustainable growth and improvement (Matthias, 2003).

In most examples like that of Mauritius it is clearly evident that when governments build political frameworks which are participative and which further the development of local institutions. Another important aspect is that developing countries must take up a leadership role in order to revive and raise criticism for the anomalies and the indifference of the rich countries in the Doha Rounds. They should push forward the exemptions of products which form the backbone of their economies from tariffs and protective measures and should look towards the security of their subsistence farmers and resolving problems of food and poverty (Polaski, 2006).

When it comes to abiding by international standards and participating in a global economy, there will need to be the development of a community within the WTO whose interests are mutually tied to each other and which pledges to safeguard one another’s security. In this form of community, individuals as well as trading states can directly co-operate and engineer their actions guided by stable rules and regulations established by the WTO. This would prevent repeating the mistakes of the Doha rounds where there was a clear lack of guided policy as well as mutuality of interests. It would also result in the establishment of a method of allocating resources in a fair manner while also leading to the economic development of all the members (Matthias, 2003).

When such a community is established, it would no longer be ‘charity’ on the part of the rich countries when they accede to the removal of certain tariffs and trade barriers. The less developed countries would take the benefit of greater exports and wealth would be equally distributed as opposed to the current scenario where the rich are getting richer and the poor, even poorer. Many of the current trade practices will have to be rethought and revamped. The current level of protectionism in the developed world which is largely hindering the access of the LDCs to foreign markets due to high tariffs and poor quota allocation will have to be reduced and eventually phased out. Governments could rethink the level of subsidies they offer in order to free up their resources in order to help those people who have faced unemployment due to trade adjustments. In effect, trade reforms of this kind enable poor countries to focus on products and services which they are best at and enable them to market these on an international level (Cho, 2010).

This philosophy should prove to be a better and more profitable guideline for poor countries than on resting all faith on the developed world or trade regimes. In the Doha Rounds for example, the members were willing to remove duties and quotas from ninety seven of all exports of the least developed countries. This did seem like a big deal but in effect the three percent remainder was enough to protect the major industries in developed countries like leather and rice for Japan and textiles for the US. They allow the rich countries to continue their protectionist practices and exempt the products which form the bulk of the main exports of the developing countries. The reforms, and so called benefits for the LDCs are therefore to a great level mere rhetoric and are mostly ways in which the developed countries try to appear morally correct. Even fo