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r countries like Africa, Cambodia and Moldovan where people live in abject poverty and where cotton, fruits and garment are their main produce respectively, the developed countries had an unrelenting stance. Where the LDCs should have been given sufficient market coverage, not as a favour, but as a right under WTO principles, the developed world still had the upper hand. They often blame the ‘poor offers’ of the developing countries (Cho, 2010).

This fact was even taken up under the ‘Cotton Four’ agenda and the disparaging protectionist policies mentioned above came under opposition especially by India which labelled them as a ‘blatant wound on the world’s sense of morality.’ The US was still unmoved to make any positive changes towards removing these policies. In the current scenario were developing countries’ major exports to the developed world comprise of agricultural products such policies are inhibitive and limit the developing countries’ options (Bou?t, Bureau, Decreux, Jean, 2005).

Conclusion

Very often the rhetoric outlining legal issues and rights in the world economic arena is not concrete enough to develop into any serious mode of action. This aspect is often exploited by the developed countries who take circuitous routes to avoid any legislation affecting them while also appearing completely clean. This point was taken note of in the Doha talks which emphasized the need for more clearly laid down principles for S&D treatment of the developing countries. Ultimately, however, such measures end up as mere rhetoric and false claims which are not backed by any real measures or any positive change in philosophy. Even of in some cases concessions are granted to the poor nations, these economies might still not have easy access to the world market. Different nations have their own set of problems and values and single, universal concessions or agreements might not benefit all. For example, if the US reduces import duties on cars in its negotiations at the WTO, poor countries like Zimbabwe should theoretically gain an advantage. However, this does not happen as these countries do not export these products to the US (Cho, 2010).

Any ‘Generalized System of Preferences’ is therefore unsuccessful in granting any real benefit to the developing nations. Developing countries should therefore look beyond what the Doha Rounds promise do to offer. They could establish their own groups thereby giving voice to their own unique needs. Having a group would give them sufficient voice at the international forum. Also, like Rodik has pointed out, these developed nations should build strong internal frameworks which can fight against protectionism and tariffs etc in the international market so that they can stand strong in the face of opposition and open the doors to development and sustainable growth.
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