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it of ECOWAS in conflict areas.
Apart from ECOWAS, other African countries group under other regional umbrellas such as the East Africa Community (EAC), Southern African Development Community (SADC) Community of Sahel-Sahara States (CEN-SAD) and others. These regional bodies meet periodically in the African Union to foster development and security of each region and Africa as a whole.
It is important to note that these bodies strive to partner with state and non state actors to provide succour during emergencies. A case in point is the recent assessment of development and stability of African states conducted by the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) with the African Peer Review Mechanism. It is in this light that the African Union in collaboration with UN Global Compact is organising a forum on Africa’s industrial drive: The private sector and corporate citizenship billed for 22 January, 2008. With such trans-border relations’ going on in other regions of the world, to say that a system of global governance is emerging is stating the obvious.
Another response to the inability of states to solve world problems is the proliferation of influential NGOs since the 1990s. Duffield compared the current role played by NGO in complimenting government development and security strives with their former subcontractor status to illustrate this steady rise in their activities and influence. Presently, relationships are established as means to an end -sustainable development and security.
NGOs have taken over some functions of state governments. For example, the primary education in Sri Lanka was managed by NGOs when the state government collapse during the 1987 civil war while the Bangladesh Rural Action Committee (BRAC) runs 35,000 schools in the country (Weiss and Gordenker; 1996, 30). The World Bank also partner with NGOs to provide capital intensive projects in communities.
For example, the bank made provisions for NGO participation in 30% of its projects in 1993. In the same vein, the UN relies on NGOs to provide humanitarian assistance during and after conflict. NGOs managed 40% of the refugees created by the 1991 Kurdish crisis in Iraq while the UN catered for 30% of the refugees (ibid; 1996, 31).
During conflicts, UN gets the consent of warring groups to enable humanitarian agents provide aid for civilian in war zone. This negotiated access has increased the influence and efficiencies of NGOs and other humanitarian groups.
The common commitment of NGOs to alleviate human suffering makes them intervene in emergencies. This can be through Northern NGOs funding relief efforts via their Southern partners or by direct involvement of local and international. In direct involvement, Northern NGOs build partnership with Southern governments, Southern NGOs and the local affected community (Anderson and Woodrow; 1998, 37).
Another pointer identified by Duffield to buttress the rising relevance of NGOs which supports his postulation of emerging global governance is the expanding network of NGOs. This includes platforms such as the Sterling Committee for Humanitarian Response, whose responsibility is to further cooperation among aid agencies.
Furthermore, NGOs have become advocates of international reforms preaching the message gotten from field to other players of international politics. The International Federation of Red Cross Societies’ code of conduct governing impartiality