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and accountability in humanitarian operations has been widely subscribed to by key organisations.
Closely related to that, Amnesty International monitors human rights abuses in the states and puts pressure on the state to turn over a new leaf, while Transparency International monitors the socio-economic and political activities in states. It rates state annually from the most corrupt to the least corrupt. This rating goes a long way to determine investments made by transnational corporations in various countries.
While the Bretton woods institutions spin the economic wheel of global governance, Duffield asserted that the present liberal system of global governance dashed the expectations of many who following the end of the cold war expected the United Nation (UN) to evolve into a global government. Rather than that happening, the UN remains an important actor in the emerging global governance.
As an organisation of all nation states, the UN article 71 empowers its organ the Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) to ‘make suitable arrangements for consultation with non-governmental organisations which are concerned with matters within its competence’’. Similarly, in 11 paragraphs of principle in ECOSOC Resolution 1296 (XLIV), NGOs that seek consultative status in world affairs must have embrace goals within the UN economic and social scope.
It further requires submission of data on the NGO budget and source of funds (Weiss and Gordenker; 1996, 21-22). These provisions enables the UN to play a coordinating role in the emerging system to ensure that non-state actors imbibe and work within the common guiding principles of nation-states enshrined in the charter of the world body.
Closely related to the framework of ECOSOC, the UN Department of Public Information maintains a check on the information dissemination of NGOs. (Ibid; 1996, 23) These trends show the importance the UN on behalf of member states attach to network and alliance formation between NGOs and other non-state actors.
In practical situations, UN foster cooperation with NGOs base on NGO community based approach which effectively bridges the gap between relief and development. A case in point is the formation of Partners in Action (Par in Ac) by the UNHCR and ICVA to increase the capacity of responding to global refugee crisis and internally displaced persons.(ibid; 1996, 29)
To direct global policy towards eradiating the world problems, the UN set a Millennium Development Goals to be achieved by 2015. The MDGs have become the policy thrust for most countries of the Southern hemisphere.
Alongside the aforementioned linkages between the various states and non-state actors to combat global crises is the role played private security companies. Duffield asserts that a cordial understanding between the military and civilian exist in global governance. Regular state military are used to police agreed ceasefire and create conduit for aid providers.
During intervention when state military is not provided, private security companies are contracted to provide military advice and security for aid workers. Duffield sites an example with when the US based Military Professional Resources Incorporated (MPRI) was contracted to provide military service to the Croatian government in 1994 under the Democracy Transition Assistance Programme, due to UN arms embargo on Croatia.
In summation of the various forms and relations among