摘要:Global governance is emerging to manage the new wars and regulate the complex relations emanating from globalisation. States are gradually losing their competence while non state actors are assuming greater roles in the affairs of the world.
usiness should be managed (Garsten, C: 2003, 360).
While building alliances with NGOs such as the Amnesty International and Transparency International, some transnational corporations adopted the voluntary codes of conduct and industrial human rights within their governing principles. A recent example of adhering to human rights principles is the recent withdrawal of some products from the market in by GAP, a transnational company following discovery that child labour was used in the production process.
Global governance has led to an unprecedented growth in the number of multinational corporations collaborating with the UN, World Bank and other actors of global governance. This resulted to various commitments made by NGOS, IGOs and donor agencies to partnership with the private sector to achieve sustainable development and security. The 1997 UK government White Paper on International Development made a commitment to;
‘‘move away from a narrow relationship based on individual contracts to a broader sharing of approaches to the eradication of poverty, drawing on the extensive skills of the British private sector’’ (Duffield; 2001, 63) .
Duffield described this system as one characterised by decentralisation of power, devolution of authority and cooperation in various capacities between states and non states actors, private and public institutions as well as military and civilian establishments. The emerging global governance thrives on establishing networks across boundaries to share information, build synergies of comparative advantage and coordinate actions against contemporary challenges.
This accounts for the continuous economic integration and political unification being pursued by regional organisations such as the European Union and African Union albeit weak resistance and hesitation from some member states (Duffield; 1997, 528). The border restrictions have withered away as citizens of any West African country has free access to other West African countries. In Europe, the Euro is now a legal tender within some EU member nations. Talks for common foreign policy and other unifying reforms are in high gear.
Despite losing some of its influence in the state due to the emerging global governance, Duffield alludes that ‘‘governments have acquired the ability to project authority through non-territorial and non-state systems’’ (Duffield; 2001, 72). Besides creating conduit for other actors to intervene in troubled zones, state participation legitimises activities of non state actors like NGOs. Governments’ controlled military force remains a sine qua non for peacekeeping.
As key actors in global governance, states make up the IGOs, regional organisations, and finance some donor agencies. A case in point is the US President Bush Emergency Plan for Aids Relief in Africa (PEPFAR), a health programme coordinated by the Harvard University in collaboration with local NGOs in Botswana, Uganda and Nigeria.
Closely related to that is strengthening of development and security ties between countries in regional, continental and multilateral organisations. Duffield posit that the shortly after the end of the Gulf War, the rise in complex emergencies demanded a system-wide approach to bring succour to the affected people. This led to the creation of the UN Department of Humanitarian
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