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not the U.S.A. Like the world setting, the U.S.A is ethnically and racially diverse. Marable’s discourse is also conceptually appealing. He states that promoters of corporate multiculturalism emphasise cultural and social diversity by endeavouring to heighten the sensitivity of business executives to matters such as racial, gender, age, linguistic, sexual differences. Marable notes that the principal motivating forces for this type of multiculturalism are minority markets and labour force demography. In the U.S.A., there is great pressure on the corporate milieu to hire persons from the diverse pools of the non-white population. It is also within these diverse pools that corporate America stands to make huge profits from massive consumer spending. In the foreground of globalisation, labour force demography and consumer power are very evident. Marable’s problem with corporate multiculturalism is that its advancement is devoid of significant discussion about exploitation, racism, sexism, or homophobia. Its evasive posture can be located in celebrating diversity of all kinds without criticising anyone. Liberal multiculturalism, a broadly democratic outlook, is distinctly anti-racist. It is premised on the view that educational establishments have major obligations to deconstruct the ideology of human inequality. It is, however, inadequate in dealing with inequalities of power, privilege, and resources. It attempts to articulate the perceived interests of minority groups to increase their influence within the existing mainstream. In short, liberal multiculturalism is “liberalism” within the framework of cultural diversity and pluralism. ( Marable, 1996: p. 120 ). The quotation above is powerful evidence of the type of multiculturalism which features in L.I.N.C. programmes and, is, of course, a cogent reminder that official Canadian bilingualism, is one existing mainstream. In contemporary globalisation, it is the destructive breadth of the existing mainstream in the forms of multinational manipulation, World Bank debt impositions, environmental destruction, and cultural hegemony which would emasculate liberal multiculturalism. Unlike liberal multiculturalism, radical democratic multiculturalism is transformationist cultural critique. Discussions of culture are always connected to the issue of power, as well as, methods by which ideology is employed to control and dominate the oppressed. Proponents of radical democratic multiculturalism stress similarities between the cultural experiences of oppressed persons around the world, strive to redefine and reorganise systems of culture and political power. It is my view that this is the type of emphasis evident in Friere’s call for the oppressed to reclaim their language. What should Friefrian reclamation look like from the standpoint of a communicative approach to target language teaching embedded in radical democratic multiculturalism? It should consist of: an approach to language pedagogy in which discourse that exposes the features of oppression is central to the sustenance of conscientizacao. Such discourse must be a factor of culture and a cultural fact in communicative pedagogical practice.* The practice must be evident in the teaching of European and non-European foreign languages, as well as, vernaculars within ex-colonial possessions. Within the advanced industralised world where former residents of colonial possessions meet native born citizens and acquire European foreig