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a migrant’s identity yet it may account for significant impact on a migrant’s life such as when deciding his or her length of stay in order to fulfil the three years’ residency requirement to obtain Canadian citizenship (Teo 2006). However, from listening carefully to my respondents, I would emphasise that, even though citizenship may become an objective after an immigrant’s arrival in Canada, it is quite often not the key motivation for their initial immigration decision. Instead, the hope for personal development, the chance to give their children a better education, and a desire for a different environment*whether social or natural*were the main reasons for their immigration (Teo 2003). One reason for being mindful of these actual factors is exactly to critique the over-liberating powers attached to diasporic identity. Here, I adopt Ang’s (2001) argument that, by focusing on the imagined community of others elsewhere, diaspora, as a concept, tends to deemphasise, and even diminish, the importance of living here. This is a particularly salient point with regard to the PRC migrants, who face considerable settlement difficulties that are very much here, for now.  
818 S.Y. Teo 

Acknowledgements 致谢

I would like to thank David Ley, Brenda Yeoh, Shirlena Huang and an anonymous JEMS reviewer for their helpful comments on an earlier version of this paper. I am grateful to the Vancouver Metropolis Centre (RIIM) for funding this research. My deepest thanks go to my respondents for sharing their stories with me. 

notes 

[1] A multi-media artist from China, Gu Xiong now lives in Canada. [2] Apart from other forms of liaison work, the promotion of Chinese education and culture overseas expanded greatly in the 1990s (Thun. 2001). The PRC supported the establishment of local Chinese schools and exported educational schemes by compiling 20 different sets of teaching materials now used in 78 countries worldwide. One hundred and fifty teachers were sent to teach Chinese in 20 countries, and several thousand teachers from overseas have received Chinese teacher-training in the PRC. Summer camps were also set up for second-and third-generation ethnic Chinese. [3] This is an example of a collusion between capitalism and nation-building. [4] The data in this section are based on statistics derived from the Landed Immigrant Data System (LIDS) of the Department of Citizenship and Immigration Canada (CIC) for the years 1996 2000 and include both principal applicants and their dependants. [5] Note that the ‘point system’ for the skilled workers programme was fundamentally revised in 2002. An important change was the tightening of English-(or French-)language requirements for skilled immigrants. The language profile of PRC skilled immigrants who applied from 2002 onwards is hence likely to be different from that of the present group. [6] This has been a notoriously persistent problem faced by new immigrants in Canada. There is growing evidence that a substantial proportion of immigrants to Canada are not able to convert their foreign qualifications into jobs that match their training and experience (Basran and Li 1998). [7] According to my respondents, this practice was far more common among business investor immigrants. [8] Jiansheng is under the impression that Canadian citizenship is preferred for these positions. 

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