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lmost equally important in their life. Around both, systems of places are organized. One is that of the living (Fig. 8); the other is that of the dead including graves and ancestral halls - from that of the closest forebears to the founding ancestors of the village, to some high official rank holder or remote ancestors who had great merits when they were alive, and at last to the Yellow Emperor, the common ancestor of the Chinese people as is commonly seen in Chinese genealogy (e.g. Meskill, 1970). In the ordering of living dwelling systems, government administration plays a role. The awareness of places is also related to local markets of goods exchanges (Tuan, 1977,167-69). But more or less, at least at local scale, land and other physical features of places are inevitably associated with segmentation of lineage; and dwelling patterns and social groupings are associated with the ancestor cult, especially in the agriculturally most productive area in South China (Freedman, 1966; Portter, 1970). Local belief and cults may also be involved with worship for some deceased administrators who when alive were well regarded by the local people, the memorial hall dedicated to a late county magistrate may become the apex in the local Yin Dwelling system . Thus the sense of place hierarchy formed around the living dwelling and that formed along the experience of ancestor graves and worship halls are overlapped. Individuals live within this system of places, their experience being under the influence of the geomancy of a series of more and more inclusive entities. 3.3 The Fractals of Identity Identity of place can be achieved through different ways or different aspects that contribute to the sense of places. It can be achieved through the distinctive physical image of the place (Lynch, 1960, p.8) ; or through the degree of the "unselfconscious intentionality," the degree of "insideness" of human experience "(Relph, 1976), e.g. through the degree of exclusiveness of symbol system used in the ordering and interpretation of the places; or "by dramatizing the aspirations, needs, and functional rhythms of personal and group life" (Tuan, 1977, p.178). However, all these aspects of place identity are inseparable. "It is nature and culture together, as interacting processes, that render a place particular" (Spirn, 1988). The identity of places created by Feng-shui effectively interweaves the identity of natural landscape or the given identity, human intentions and activities, and symbolic meanings. The more and more inclusive physical space and groupings, plus a more and more inclusive symbolic system, produce a hierarchy of place identity. The most exclusive level of identity is the place of a family, which can maintain its distinctiveness through the enclosed living space of a quadrangle of compound house with a common courtyard in a favorable form suggested by Feng-shui . The experience of "insideness" of the family members can be strengthened through distinctive orientation of the building, specific site related to the surrounding landscape features, and symbolic design of the family pond, bridge, etc. (Fig. 11). Close ancestral halls or graves provide another facility for family identity. Spatially, through the model of interpretation, the Feng-shui landscape of the graves is conjoined with the living settlement of the family. The graves may be located at the site that overlook and embraces the land of the family, or directed to the living site