印度农村发展研究所的发展历史 [6]
论文作者:英语论文论文属性:学术文章 Scholarship Essay登出时间:2015-06-30编辑:g790726705点击率:17909
论文字数:7023论文编号:org201506271458333438语种:英语 English地区:印度价格:免费论文
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摘要:阐述土地对于印度这个农业大国经济发展的地位
onships were ripe for legislative intervention. In the 1960s and 1970s, every Indian state passed tenancy reform legislation. As with their earlier efforts to abolish intermediaries, equity and efficiency concerns supplied the fuel for the tenancy reform. However, unlike the legislation to abolish intermediaries, policy
guidelines from the central government strongly directed state tenancy legislation. Assessed against objectives, the results of tenancy reform laws were, with some exceptions, weak or even counterproductive. While the laws allowed tenants to acquire ownership or owner-like rights to about five percent of India's land, the same laws led to the ejectment of a much larger numbers of tenants. The national policy on tenancy reform evolved gradually over decades and is embodied in various policy documents issued by the National Planning Commission. The First Five-Year Plan (1951-1956), contained the first authoritative exposition of national tenancy reform policy and included four important guidelines. First, rent should not exceed one-fifth to one-fourth of the gross produce. Second, landowners should be allowed to evict tenants-at-will and bring under 'personal cultivation' land up to a ceiling amount determined by each state. Third, tenants on the non-resumed land of 'large landowners' should be given permanent and heritable rights to such land. Finally, tenants on the non-resumed land of 'small and medium landowners' should be given 5-10 year rights. The Second and Third Five-Year Plans essentially reiterated and tried to fine-tune the policy guidelines established in the First Plan. By the end of the Third Plan, virtually all states had adopted tenancy reform legislation that broadly followed the policy guidelines. In all the laws, 'personal cultivation' was loosely defined to include cultivation of land without using the landowner's own labor or, in most cases, even their personal supervision. Landlords took full advantage of resuming previously tenanted land for 'personal cultivation' up to the generous ceiling amounts. Many also engaged in actual or fictitious transfer in order to evade the resumption ceilings. The laws also permitted the voluntary surrender of tenancies, leading to numerous cases of tenancy surrenders under duress, but on paper shown as voluntary. Many laws left sharecroppers out of their purview altogether. Even in states that recognized sharecroppers as tenants, such sharecroppers faced an extremely difficult task of proving the existence of their tenancy. Most tenancies were oral and not entered into the land records maintained by the village-level functionaries of the state revenue departments. The Fourth Five-Year Plan (1969-1974) noted that even after years of tenancy reforms, the objectives of the tenancy reform policies and laws had not been achieved. Since these efforts to mend tenancy had failed, the Fourth Plan called for ending tenancy. The Plan recommended that the states amend tenancy reform legislation to make all existing tenants owners of the land they had been cultivating upon payment of compensation and future tenancies should be prohibited. The Fifth through Ninth Five-Year Plans largely reiterated the earlier policies, while noting the shortcomings in the laws and their inadequate implementation.
All Indian states adopted legislation concerning agricultural tenancies in the 1960s or 1970s. Most of those laws were amended from time to time, partially in response to本论文由英语论文网提供整理,提供论文代写,英语论文代写,代写论文,代写英语论文,代写留学生论文,代写英文论文,留学生论文代写相关核心关键词搜索。