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characterise large shopping malls, stadiums, urban entertainment centres, flagship projects and mixed-use mega-projects situated in grey- and brown-field sites (Moulaert et al. 2005; Salet and Gualini 2007). Star architects were commissioned for designing these stations like: Koolhaas (Euralille Masterplan), Calatrave (Liège-Guillemins), Sir Norman Foster (Dresden) and von Gerkan (Berlin).

 

However, the planning agenda was misled towards growth and competition rather than removal of slums and blight (Swyngedouw et al., 2004) and exercise in rebranding through commodification of culture into a marketable identity (Hoffman et al., 2003). Further problems arose when urban planners instead became focussed on individual transportation mega-projects and “festivalization” for achieving their goal of urban renaissance (e.g., Carrière and Demazière 2002; Häußermann and Siebel 1993; Peters and Novy 2012). Through optimistic forecasting and part wishful thinking, urban planners had overestimated the role of ‘prestige’ in these mega-projects leading to heavy cost-overruns (Flyvbjerg et al., 2003; Flyvbjerg et al. 2008).

 

Critiques on urban renaissance

The emerging mega-projects were highly-complex in terms of costs and unevenly distributed in benefits which resulted in regeneration of city-cores by market-driven profiteering plans. Transit-accessible high-profile areas were upgraded while other areas were downgraded almost in neglect. The resulting inner-city gentrification was an exercise in neoliberal rationalization (Peters and Novy 2012). Heiner Monheim, Professor of Urban Geography at the University of Trier noted that “Political interests and investment power targeted the megaprojects. This results in a very ambivalent situation of a very notable commitment (‘all show’) on one hand and an otherwise criminal neglect on the other hand (‘no substance [beyond beacon projects ]’)” (Monheim 2009, p.5; as cited in Peters and Novy 2012, p.8).

 

The resulting cityscape was “a combination of urban and networked spaces that are configured precisely to the needs of socioeconomically wealthy groups and so at the same time are increasingly withdrawn from the wider citizenry and cityscape” (Graham and Marvin 2001, p.427). These targeted, re-scaled, customized, special-purpose, and place-specific regulatory interventions led to “premium (or secessionist) network spaces”. Public transit was broken into profitable chunks that disregarded the very intent of a Transit Metropolis, that of a wider regional TOD network (Swyngedouw et al. 2002). Chunks of the transit network and large plots of centrally located transit-accessible land was now at the mercy of big corporations, developers and privatized former railway companies.

 

Emerging theories

Investments in transport and their desired land-use impacts are hard to quantify as mere commodity. For exa本论文由英语论文网提供整理，提供论文代写，英语论文代写，代写论文，代写英语论文，代写留学生论文，代写英文论文，留学生论文代写相关核心关键词搜索。