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t, “Buddhism and Thailand is not only structured by the official state-imposed system of the sangha administration” but is “patterned by a complex and fluid system of unofficial relations between the Buddhist laity and individual monks and monasteries” (1989,p.115). This interdependence and connection of the laity and the monks maintains a strong Buddhist presence in everyday life for the common people which keeps Buddhism grounded in its original form. This traditional version of Buddhism saw a community of monks that were fully detached from the outside world and living a pious religious life. However, in the context of Thailand, many scholars, including Jackson, had argued that there has been an increase in a more politicised Buddhism, where some monks are known to have political allegiances or the Sangha itself having strong connections to state institutions. Jackson further this by suggesting that the “state-promoted image of Thai Buddhism as a…unifying national force, is…a façade…created by the force of state domination and control of the sangha administration” (1989,p.7-8). 

He claims that the study of “urban Buddhist movements and their lay audiences” are as integral as study of the “formal state-sangha relations” and that it is important in the context and understanding of “contemporary Thai Buddhism” (1989,p.116). This split between the two forms of Buddhism has primarily come about due to the Sangha’s connection and involvement in state affairs, which both goes against the idea of detachment but also is not entirely always pro-active for the Buddhist lay people. It is through this separation that Jackson argues that there are “two mechanisms” by which a monk could find himself dissatisfied with the current culture of Thai Buddhism and decide to form a new movement or way of practising Buddhism. He goes on to suggest that one key feature of this following is that the monk relates specifically to a particular group or class of people and by doing so ensures their support by producing features that are geared towards them. Jackson describes this process as the “conscious development of an outlook on Buddhism specifically tailored to the requirements of one group” (1989,p.117). This “conscious tailoring of a system of teaching and practice to a specific target audience” is a common feature in most of the “larger religious movements sponsored by both the establishment and the middle class” (Jackson,1989,p.117). Jackson argues that this feature is more important to the more right-wing monks who are “supportive of the establishment (1989,p.117) than others. He also suggests that “espousing conservative interpretations of Buddhist doctrine and …cultivating the …support of influential patrons” secures favour (1989,p.17). 

The second way in which a target audience is gained is through the “less explicitly political approach of attempting to develop “relevant” interpretations of the religion” (Jackson,1989,p.118). “Many Thai monks and lay people are concerned to prevent the decay of the teachings, practises and traditional institutional relations of Thai Buddhism in the face of rapid socio-economic change” (Jackson,1989,p.118). This shows the significance of the more pious traditional form 本论文由英语论文网提供整理，提供论文代写，英语论文代写，代写论文，代写英语论文，代写留学生论文，代写英文论文，留学生论文代写相关核心关键词搜索。